An essay on president george w bushs declaration of war against terror

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An essay on president george w bushs declaration of war against terror

September 22nd, Under the Constitution, the Constitution prevails over international law. It was, potentially, a world war of unlimited duration. And yet, our involvement in Libya is unconstitutional. The United States is at war—and has been, continuously, for ten years. This is a reality, of course.

But more than that, it is a legality.

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Legally—constitutionally—the United States has been in a condition of declared war for ten years. Constitutionally, the Act is a Declaration of War. The President, the framers determined, should have only the power to counter attacks on the nation—to repel and respond—but not to initiate war on his own.

The President, as Commander-in-Chief, would have complete military authority to conduct war, once declared: Congress declares wars; the President fights and concludes them.

But war it is. It accounts for and justifies nearly every military action in which the United States has engaged in the past ten years in fighting the war on terror. Iraq was the subject of a separate, overlapping war-authorization.

Congress declared war against not only enemy nations—the traditional form of a war-declaration—but also against organizations and persons.

Combining the links in the chain of legal authorization opened up by the AUMF, the declaration of war reaches any person, organization, or nation connected in a supportive or protective harboring fashion, directly or indirectly, with the persons, organizations, or nations responsible for It is a war on a network, or web, of interconnected, supportive persons, groups, and nations.

It is a war on al Qaeda and its allies and affiliates and on any and all nations and groups that support them. The only limitation is that the President must make the determination, presumably in good faith, that the connection is real and sufficient. He picks the targets; he judges the degree of connection to ; he thus determines the enemies; he chooses the timing of attacks; he chooses the means of attack and defense; he decides what force is necessary, or appropriate; he chooses the ends and when they have been attained; he decides when there are no longer any relevant persons, groups, or nations that fit the described authorization.

There is no prescribed time limitation or geographical limitation. It is, potentially, a world war of unlimited duration. Congress could repeal the AUMF, or cut off war funds, but short of thus effectively rescinding its declaration of war, the decisions all lie in the hands of the President as Commander in Chief.

But it is nonetheless the case that the AUMF is an extraordinary delegation of war-making power to the President. Congress declared, ten years ago, an enormous war, the exact bounds of which are to be determined by the Commander in Chief—indeed, perhaps an extended succession of Commanders in Chief.

The attitude, in addition to the scope of authorization, reflected in the AUMF is light-years away from the posture of the War Powers Resolution ofa late Vietnam-era act attempting to cabin presidential military power that has proved a friction point between presidents and congresses ever since.

The War Powers Resolution attempted to thwart unilateral presidential decisions to use military force outside of the legitimate power to repel or respond to attacks on the nation, its armed forces, or its citizens.Sep 03,  · President Franklin D.

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An essay on president george w bushs declaration of war against terror

He is being pushed as savior in an attempt to con the American people into accepting global slavery. On September 18, , Congress enacted into law, and President George W.

Bush signed, what is arguably the broadest declaration of war in our nation’s history. “Whereas on September 11, , acts of treacherous violence were committed against the United States,” begins the Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF).

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